ATLANTA, Ga. — As President Donald Trump flexes federal power through Department of Homeland Security raids on Black and Brown communities in Chicago, his legal problems in Georgia refuse to disappear. His election-interference case remains alive and could still send him to prison but only if Pete Skandalakis, executive director of the Prosecuting Attorneys’ Council of Georgia (PACGA), appoints a new prosecutor within two weeks.

In September, the Georgia Supreme Court declined to review a lower court’s decision disqualifying Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis from prosecuting the case, following controversy over her relationship with a special prosecutor. That ruling left Judge Scott McAfee’s order in place, giving the Prosecuting Attorneys’ Council two weeks to appoint a replacement or risk seeing the case dismissed entirely.

Now the clock is ticking, and the fate of one of the most consequential criminal cases in modern American history rests in Skandalakis’s hands.

Skandalaki said in a court filing Monday that his office has not yet received the physical case file and likely won’t for another four weeks. He asked Judge Scott McAfee to reconsider his order or extend the deadline, requesting at least 90 days after receiving the file to appoint a new prosecutor.

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If no new prosecutor meets the deadline, Judge McAfee will dismiss the case for “want of prosecution,” erasing years of investigative work and one of the most extensive election interference indictments in U.S. history.

Civil-rights attorneys and community leaders warn that silence would be a mistake. That silence is especially dangerous in a climate where Trump’s supporters are already turning their fury toward the very judges tasked with upholding the law.

They’re calling on Georgians particularly those in Metro Atlanta to pressure the Prosecuting Attorneys’ Council to appoint a qualified, impartial special prosecutor from counties across Metro Atlanta: DeKalb, Cobb, Newton, and Rockdale.

Georgia’s Judiciary Faces Intimidation

Federal judges across the country have publicly raised alarms about rising threats and harassment as Trump and his allies intensify attacks on the judiciary.

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In Georgia, Judge Scott McAfee has already become a target — not always by name, but certainly by consequence. While Trump has mostly aimed his fire at Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, he amplified criticism of McAfee’s rulings by reposting Fox News clips from a spokesperson and a legal analyst attacking the judge’s decision to deny Trump’s motion to dismiss Willis.

That amplification was all it took for extremists to respond. Under a Gateway Pundit post about McAfee’s ruling, one commenter wrote, “Judge McAfee should be hanged.” Another sneered, “These people need gutting like we do fish.”

Moreover, Trump has posted language — including “IF YOU GO AFTER ME, I’M COMING AFTER YOU!” — that prosecutors and judges have cited as potentially intimidating. Reporters have documented that his posts often trigger violent replies targeting judges and court staff.

The blueprint for Trump’s intimidation playbook is simple: he posts vague, menacing reactions to anyone who challenges him. His base then takes the cue — flooding social media with violent language and, in some cases, translating that rage into real-world threats and attacks against political leaders and public officials.

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These threats aren’t abstract; they place real pressure on the judge deciding whether one of modern America’s most consequential criminal cases will survive.

McAfee is making rulings under a cloud of online menace and public vilification from Trump extremists — a pressure that can chill judicial independence and weaken the rule of law itself. Civil-rights lawyers and community leaders warn that this is no longer just about legal procedure; it’s about protecting those who enforce the law and keeping the pathway to accountability open, even for the powerful.

Trump’s Immunity Claims Stop at the Georgia Line

Trump has reason to be concerned. Legal experts argue that Georgia law offers no guaranteed shield for a sitting president against state-level prosecution, a stark contrast to the debated federal immunity claims.

“If a new prosecutor is appointed,” civil rights attorney Gerald Griggs told The Black Wall Street Times, “we can push to have his bond revoked because his threats clearly violate those terms.”

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The law also allows prosecutors to seek revocation of Trump’s bond if it’s proven that he violated its conditions by threatening judges, prosecutors, or members of the public — behavior documented repeatedly in his online posts.

Further, the U.S. Department of Justice’s internal policy against indicting a sitting president does not apply in state court, meaning that if a special prosecutor moves forward, Trump could face trial even while in office — a scenario without precedent in American history.

When the Public Gets Loud, Democracy Moves

While the Prosecuting Attorneys’ Council operates independently, it is still accountable to the people of Georgia.

Legal experts say citizens can lawfully voice their concerns by contacting the Council, organizing peaceful rallies, and keeping media attention on the case to ensure officials appoint a qualified, impartial prosecutor to move it forward.

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“They’re hoping that in six months, the public will forget all about this case, that he’ll keep doing what he’s doing, and nobody will hold him accountable. That’s why we have to get loud,” Attorney Griggs said. “We’ve saved democracy before; we can do it again.”

Georgia’s RICO Law Could Be Trump’s Undoing

Trump still faces 13 felony counts in Georgia, including violating the state’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act, which carries up to 20 years in prison. Unlike federal law, only the Georgia State Board of Pardons and Paroles can pardon a state conviction and only five years after sentencing.

So while Trump wields federal power in one hand, the other remains shackled to Georgia’s justice system, a system that, for now, still has the power to hold him accountable.


The Black Wall Street Times exposes how intimidation, politics, and silence undermine justice. Your support ensures we can keep reporting when others turn away.

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Nehemiah D. Frank is the founder and editor-in-chief of The Black Wall Street Times and a descendant of two families that survived the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. Although his publication’s store and newsroom...

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